This is Part 4. Previous posts are here: Part 1, Part 2, Part 3.
When we left off, Army troops had been called in and had killed some rioters, and a general strike was called for Wednesday, July 11. Even though it had started as only a strike against the Pullman Company, it had spread to a strike against nearly all railroads in the US, who insisted on attaching Pullman cars to all their trains.
Chicago Tries to Settle It
A committee of Chicago aldermen went to visit Pullman executives to try to settle the matter. Mr. Pullman himself was still “vacationing” on the East Coast.
This is their report to the City Council. As you’ll notice, they didn’t actually ask for arbitration — they asked for a panel to decide if arbitration was needed! Pullman could select two of the members, and the others would be judges.
Even this modest proposal was rejected. (Chicago Tribune, July 10)
Appeal to Pullman Company.
These are the circumstances: The claim is made by the Pullman company that they have nothing to arbitrate. As a final resort, speaking on behalf of the City of Chicago, and getting the organized labor organizations to agree to it, we made a proposition to the Pullman company allowing that there is nothing to arbitrate. We asked them to consent to a committee, consisting of two chosen by the Pullman company to represent them, two chosen by the judiciary of the Circuit bench of this county, those four, if necessary, to chose a fifth, not to arbitrate, but as a committee of public citizens interested in the welfare and the business of Chicago, allowing that committee to ascertain which is correct—the claim made that there is cause for arbitration or the claim of the Pullman company that there is no cause for arbitration. This would be, we urged, a representative committee. We said: "You would have the choosing of two; let them be as clever men as you can suggest" and we suggested to the Pullman company that cleverer men than they had in their employ could not be found. That the Circuit bench was constituted a body so high in the minds of this community, their duties of such a character, that should remove it from all suspicion of having tiny taint of demagogy about its actions. And it was only asked as a corporation having so many interests, asking so much of the State, asking so much of the country, asking so much of the city, for the protection of its property, that as a citizen, as a creation of the State of Illinois, it should endeavor to give that small concession to allow a representative committee to pass upon and ascertain was there cause for arbitration, was there anything to arbitrate, or was it true that there was nothing to arbitrate.
Labor's Proposition Rejected.
And gentlemen, at the conclusion this was our answer when the clever hired men of Mr. Pullman, even weakened by our plea and visibly affected—if it had been left to their hearts and their minds they would have said yes—asked the privilege of withdrawing from the conference for fifteen or twenty minutes. Whom they communicated with, where their telegraphic instruments reached during that time, I am not aware. but at the conclusion of those fifteen or twenty minutes the representatives of the company said to this conference committee: "The Pullman company is a private corporation. It owns its property. It operates its plant. It tolerates no interference from any one. It is capable of managing its affairs, and when it needs assistance it will ask for it."
That was the ultimatum and the reply. I pressed further: "will you answer in the negative if you mean to negative the proposition or the request?" Very reluctantly and with feeling the gentleman acting in behalf of Mr. Pullman's company said: "No; it is refused you." It was suggested by the committee that the same company that was a private corporation, that could own its own plant and operate its own affairs. that asked no interference from any outside force until it was called for, was the beneficiary of gifts from the Nation. in the most valuable asset, the asset that more than all else they possessed, in the letters patent on the creation, the generous appreciation of the inventive genius of some man, ofttimes said not to have been Mr. Pullman: that he and his company are the beneficiaries of the government through the existence of its patent law, and through that patent law does he exact tribute from every State and every citizen of the Union. It was said to them that it was because of the sufferance and the issuance of letters of incorporation that there was a Pullman company. lt was said to them that from the county and from the city they were asking protection of their police and militia, acting in conjunction with them, and it was said with all that was there nothing that they should listen to to relieve the trouble, and the answer was, "Nothing."
Gentlemen, that was our answer as the result of our efforts during the week and this afternoon. Regretfully I report it. We said to those organizations that have today acted as men and citizens of America. and good Americans, that if our services could be of further assistance to them in trying to bring about an amicable settlement, in assisting them in acting as good American citizens, we were at their service.
“Nothing.” I can’t help thinking of Al Pacino here:
We don’t know who they were talking to during that fifteen minute intermission, but it’s probably safe to assume it was Pullman.
Debs Gets Arrested
The general strike was set for Wednesday, July 11. On the 10th, a Federal grand jury was convened, and quickly indicted Debs and his associates. Here’s the New York Times for July 11:
DEBS IN THE LAW'S GRASP
INDICTED AND ARRESTED WITH HIS ASSOCIATES
HIS RELEASE SECURED ON $10,000 BAIL
All Charged with interfering with the mails and Hindering Execution of Laws
The United States Grand Jury, After a Strong and Able Charge by Judge Grosscup, in Which He Clearly Defined the Rights of Labor Men, Brought in the Indictments After a Careful Consideration—After the Men Had Been Arrested They Were taken to the District Attorney's Office to Arrange for Bail — Debs and Howard Laughed and Joked and Appeared Unconcerned—Their Supporters Greeted Them with Cheers When They Returned to Headquarters — Officers Made a Search of Debs’ Office and Seized Records, Letters, and All Documents
CHICAGO, July 10.—Eugene V. Debs, President of the American Railway Union; George W. Howard, Vice President; Sylvester Keliher, Secretary; L. W. Rogers. Director and editor of The Railway Times, and James Murwin, an engineer, who is said to have thrown a switch on the Rock Island Road some time ago, endangering the lives of many persons, were arrested this afternoon on warrants sworn out pursuant to indictments issued by the Federal Grand Jury, which convened today at 12 o'clock. The full list of indictments was as follows: Eugene V. Debs, George W. Howard, …more... They are accused of interfering with the business of the United States, obstructing the mails, and also of preventing and hindering the execution of the laws of the United States. Bail was fixed at $10,000 in each case, which was furnished. The penalty is a fine of from $1,000 to $10,000.
(more)
So the legal heavy artillery was now deployed. It turned out that the government had obtained all of Debs’ telegrams to union heads across the country, so if he actually was encouraging violence, they’d have the smoking gun(s). As it turned out, they didn’t have much.
Wednesday: The General Strike
After that discouraging news, Wednesday brought the promised general strike of all workmen in Chicago, at least, and maybe nationwide. This had the potential to overcome the corporate power once and for all, and maybe even ignite a socialist revolution.
It was a dud. Here’s the New York Times for Thursday:
CHICAGO STRIKE A FAILURE
RANK AND FILE OF LABOR MEN REFUSED TO GO OUT.
NOT MORE THAN 15,000 LEFT THEIR WORK
Another attempt to have the Pullman company arbitrate was unsuccessful
STOCK YARDS' BLOCKADE BROKEN.
Instead of the anticipated idleness of industries There Was No Noticeable Increase in the Number of Strikers —Strike Leaders Are Hopeful and Say by the end of the Week Their Predictions Will Be Verified—Shipment of Beef to Eastern Points Commenced, and There Were Receipts of Live Stock—Soldiers Are still on Duty, Though the Police Say Their Presence IS Unnecessary —More Strikers indicted on the Same Charge as Debs.
CHICAGO, July11.—Peace and quiet were maintained Throughout the city today. It was a welcome relief from the tension of yesterday, and especially in view of the fears that had been entertained that the general tie-up ordered by the various trades unions might result in filling the streets with sympathetic strikers and in serious disorder being possibly provoked.
Hopes now lay with the AFL, which was meeting on Thursday in Chicago.
Nowadays we automatically say “AFL-CIO.” As that Wikepedia article tells you, the AFL didn’t merge with the CIO until 1955, when Gompers had been dead for 30 years. There was some difference in philosophy (not to call it “snobbism”) where the AFL was considered a union of skilled tradesmen, while the CIO included more general, unskilled workers.
The trades unions (Debs himself had belonged to one such union) tended to be more conservative, and Debs had gotten frustrated with that attitude when he started the ARU. The ARU was open to everyone who worked for the railroads.
Thursday: the AFL Says No
Maybe the AFL would save the day and order a general strike? Samuel Gompers’ book Seventy years of life and labor : an autobiography : Gompers, Samuel, 1850-1924 tells the tale:
Information of conditions in Chicago came to me from many sources, but the Federation was not officially concerned until on July 9 I received a telegram from representatives of Chicago trade unions informing me that at a meeting held on Sunday a resolution had been adopted insisting that it was my duty to go to Chicago immediately and there to call a general strike. I have never had any delusion as to the real nature of a general strike. I consulted those members of the Executive Council whom I could reach and by telegraph called a meeting of the Executive Committee for Chicago, July 12, and telegraphed to the executives of national and international organizations to meet the Council in Chicago for conference.
Our conferences were held in the Briggs House. Some Chicago locals had already responded to the call of the A. R. U. with strike and boycott. Many others throughout the country were waiting upon the decision of the conference. We were asked to order a general strike. Of course, we had no power or right to order a strike, but any recommendation we might make would have tremendous influence. It was a serious responsibility. To decide unwisely might mean the disruption of not only the railroad organizations but the shop unions and all other organizations that might co-operate.
After hearing Debs and other representatives, the conference considered the situation carefully. We thought it not inappropriate to ask President Cleveland to use his influence to adjust the difficulties. No answer was ever received.
We asked Debs to confer with us as to how we could be most helpful to the strike. He came and gave us an account of the strike situation. He asked that I be authorized to present to the Railroad Managers' Association the proposition that the strikers return to work at once in a body upon the condition that they be restored to their former positions, or in the event of failure to call a general strike. After asking that his request be considered at the earliest possible time, he retired. It was understood that I should advise him of our action that same night.
After a prolonged discussion in which it was pointed out that the proposal was a confession of failure and asked only for reinstatement, the conference agreed that Mr. Debs might select me and such other members of our conference as he might desire and a committee of citizens to act with him in presenting his proposition to the Railway Managers' Association. It was after 1 A.M. when the conference adjourned. When I called at the Revere House, the clerk informed me that Mr. Debs had retired and could not be disturbed. The conference met again at nine-thirty to consider the request to call a general strike. There was no authority vested anywhere to call a general strike. To recommend to various labor organizations to strike in sympathy with the A. R. U. movement was unfair to those wage-earners, as the A. R. U. statement confessed failure and that the strike was a lost cause. Such a course would destroy the constructive labor movement of the country. The conference appointed a committee consisting of four others and me to draft a statement expressing the position of the conference in the crisis. The conference recommended to the Executive Committee that $1,000 be appropriated for the legal defense fund for Eugene V. Debs. The course pursued by the Federation was the biggest service that could have been performed to maintain the integrity of the Railroad Brotherhoods. Large numbers of their members had left their organizations and joined the A. R. U. It meant, if not disruption, weakening to a very serious extent. The chiefs of these organizations have had so little regard for the general welfare and protection of all workers, for the moral obligation of giving assistance as well as helping to maintain the agency through which assistance could be assured—that they have persisted in remaining apart from the Federation. The Pullman strike had grown bigger than anyone had supposed possible. Its cause appealed to the consciences and hearts of even those who could not approve its methods and agencies. The boycott exceeded all expectations. Debs was sent to the Woodstock jail for a year, and the A. R. U. shriveled and died. He came out of jail a changed man. He had lost all faith in the power of constructive work and became the advocate of revolt. As he had lost faith, he had lost his usefulness and became the apostle of failure and later of secession.
So, the strike had obviously failed at this point, and Debs was really only hoping for good surrender terms. Gompers says that they tried to get the President to intervene, but as I said earlier, while Teddy Roosevelt probably would have done it, he wasn’t President yet. Cleveland just saw this as a threat to national order, and he and his Attorney General Olney were out to crush it.
Gloating By the Debs-Haters
Recall that the Chicago Tribune had been calling him “Dictator Debs” right from the start. Here they are on Saturday, July 14:
DEBS' STRIKE DEAD.
It Is Dealt Two Mortal Blows by Labor.
FEDERATION HITS FIRST
Trades Council Follows with a Crusher
TRIES HARD TO SURRENDER
Managers Promptly Reject the Defeated Leader's Terms.
SORRY END FOR THE BOYCOTT.
" Dead—at the hands of its friends." This is the verdict the people of America will pass today upon the boycott-strike inaugurated Tuesday, June 26, by the American Railway Union, under the dictatorship of Eugene V. Debs. For a week the movement has been moribund; yesterday it received two mortal wounds, one from the American Federation of Labor, the other from the Building Trades Council of this city. The first organization, representing 580,000 workingmen, turned a deaf ear to the appeals for aid made by Debs and issued an address to the public in which, by implication, the tactics adopted by the meteoric leader from Terre Haute are criticised, although the spirit which prompted him to make the fight is commended. The federation declined point-blank to bolster up the " lost cause" by ordering a general strike over the country, intimating that these are not the times for wage earners who are fortunate enough to have jobs to voluntarily leave them.
Dealt a Second Mortal Blow
This was the first blow from Labor; the second was delivered by the Trades Council, which shortly before midnight rescinded its vote of last Tuesday ordering the 23,000 artisans it represents to quit work. The strike fever, which early in the week turned the heads of the generally conservative leaders, had subsided and the sober second thought which followed showed them the utter folly of their proposed action. And thus was an end put to the "great sympathetic walk-out" which was to stop the commerce of this town, to put an end to every industry. This was the second, and, as it is local, the fatal wound from the "house of its friends." Early in the day the conclusion that he was beaten, crushed in fact, was forced upon Debs. He saw that he was to be the vicarious sacrifice of the insurrection he had started. 'But he resolved to make one more effort—it was more of a bluff than an effort—to secure" terms" for the men he had led astray. He prepared a stipulation which Mayor Hopkins, acting not in his official capacity, but in the character of an ambassador, presented to the General Managers. In it he promised to call the strike off if the railroads would reinstate all their employes .who had "not been convicted of crime." But the Managers, having persistently refused to recognize or hold any communication with Debs or his union, returned unanswered his capitulation to His Honor. They say they are the victors, and they, not the man they have under their heel, will dictate the terms of surrender.
Wow. He offers to surrender, and they won’t even acknowledge it. Notwithstanding, Debs continued to fight on. There was scattered violence around the country, but the strike was basically over.
Are you getting the idea that everything reminds me of a movie? Nah.
Next week: the aftermath of the strike, and its historical importance.